‘People don’t want to show their personal life any more’

‘People don’t want to show their personal life any more’

“Today is the National Photojournalist Day. But it is also the anniversary of the earthquake. So instead of celebrating ourselves, we decided to donate blood. It is our currency. Right behind me is where the Dharahara tower collapsed and many people died. The Nepalese people had a very challenging year since then. A year of aftershocks and the blockade. It changed people in a way. People used to be happy when we photojournalists would take their picture. But now they don’t want show their personal life any more.”

Photo: Sven Wolters

In the time of fuel crisis: commuting in Nepal

For months now, Nepal has been facing a fuel crisis. Buses in Kathmandu are packed at the best of times, but the protests over the country’s new constitution and the resultant border blockade have worsened the situation considerably. There are fewer vehicles on the road now—owners have been forced to leave their empty-tanked cars and bikes at home—and hence an increasing reliance on buses. Here’s a glimpse of daily life during the fuel crisis.

 

Dozens of people gather at Lagankhel bus station, listening as conductors call out their buses’ destinations. You have to be quick if you want a seat, or standing room, or something to hang on to. Photo: Patrick Ward

Dozens of people gather at Lagankhel bus station, one of the major transport hubs for travel within the Kathmandu Valley, listening as conductors call out their buses’ destinations. You have to be quick if you want a seat, or standing room, or something to hang on to. Photo: Patrick Ward

 

It’s not an easy school run, as people flock to the buses in the hope of squeezing themselves onboard. The brave, and desperate, scramble up the back of the bus to perch on the roof. Of course, if this bus is full (and the bus workers will only say so once every inch of space is full), there’s always the next one… Photo: Patrick Ward

It’s not an easy school run, as people flock to the buses in the hope of squeezing themselves onboard. The brave, and desperate, scramble up the back of the bus to perch on the roof. I don’t think this one will have quite enough room for me, despite the reassurances of the bus workers (who will routinely attempt to fill every inch of space with passengers). I decide to wait, there is bound to be space in one of the larger buses… Photo: Patrick Ward

…or not. Even the larger vehicles on longer routes are full to bursting. Photo: Patrick Ward

…or not. Even the buses on longer routes are full to bursting, with passengers finding foot-room among sacks of rice, cooking gas canisters and various other pieces of luggage. Photo: Patrick Ward

Here’s part of the problem. A kilometre-long line of buses waits for fuel at a petrol station. Stocks are only occasionally replenished, and it is common for drivers to wait several days to refuel. Some sit in their buses playing cards, some just go home and wait. Photo: Patrick Ward

Here’s part of the problem. A kilometre-long line of buses waits for fuel at a petrol station. Stocks are only occasionally replenished, and it is common for drivers to wait several days to refuel. Some sit in their buses playing cards, some just go home and wait. Photo: Patrick Ward

Rajul Mahnama waits by his minibus for fuel on Kathmandu's Ring Road. Like many others, he has been waiting days for a much-needed refill.

Rajul Mahnama waits in the line with his minibus. “I have been trying to get fuel for five days,” he tells me. “I’ve been here waiting with my bus all day, and I’m near the front, so I am hoping I will be lucky.”Photo: Patrick Ward

This is the view you want to see the most – the inside of a bus, sparsely packed enough to allow the arm movement required to take a photo. These early morning commuters have been smart enough to travel before rush hour, which sometimes helps. Photo: Patrick Ward

These early morning commuters have been smart enough to travel before rush hour, which sometimes helps. Photo: Patrick Ward

If that’s not possible, why not try the scenic option? Squeeze up together on the roof rack to get a nice view of the surroundings, but be careful to duck your head to avoid overhead power lines. Seriously. Photo: Patrick Ward

If that’s not possible, why not try the scenic option? Squeeze up together on the roof rack to get a nice view of the surroundings, but be careful to duck your head to avoid overhead power lines, or you’re liable to lose your hat, or worse. Seriously. Take it from someone who knows. Photo: Patrick Ward

If sightseeing isn’t on the agenda, there are always other options. This truck carried dozens of commuters into the village of Sangachok in Sindhupalchok. The sheer number of passengers disembarking suggests there are more comfortable ways to travel. Photo: Patrick Ward

If sightseeing isn’t on the agenda, there are always other options. This truck pulled up carrying dozens of commuters into the village of Sangachok in Sindhupalchok, in the wake of several severely overloaded public buses. Photo: Patrick Ward

But at the end of the day, when you see a scene like this one, at the Ekantakuna junction of the Kathmandu Ring Road, it might be time to give up. Perhaps a walk home doesn't sound so bad, after all. <em>Photo: Patrick Ward</em>

But at the end of the day, when you see a scene like this one, at the Ekantakuna junction of the Kathmandu Ring Road, it might be time to give up. Perhaps a walk home doesn’t sound so bad, after all. Photo: Patrick Ward

‘The fuel crisis damaged my business ten times more than the earthquake’

“I am the director of a company operating in the tourism sector. The drafting of the new constitution opened many doors and new opportunities, and we were planning a new beginning. But then came the blockade and fuel crisis. They damaged my business ten times more than the earthquake. No tourists wants to enter the country now. My company is still waiting to receive compensation from the government. We are suffering heavy losses each day, but we still have to pay our banks loans, rent, staff salaries, electricity bills…”

Photo: Mandira Dulal

‘In Nepal, there’s a culture of mismanaging funds meant for conflict-affected people’

It is difficult to understand Nepal’s slow post-earthquake response and the problematic way it has handled the border crisis without understanding the civil war that raged in the country between 1996 and 2006, claiming the lives of an estimated 17,000 people. The uprising—the People’s War, as it has been called—led to mass support for the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which was elected to power in 2008, forming the nation’s first constituent assembly. The Maoist policy of republicanism, proportional representation and federalism became, nearly 10 years after the end of the war, expectations for many in the run-up to the promulgation of Nepal’s new constitution in September. This charter was controversial with groups in the Terai region, who see their already limited political influence as marginalised, and it led to the border crisis that has seen a severe shortage of fuel, medicine and food supplies around the country.

Jaya Puri Gharti was a leading member of the Maoist party. President of the All Nepal Women Association (Revolutionary) during the conflict, she served as the cabinet minister for Women, Children and Social Welfare during the Maoists’ term in government. Gharti is from Rolpa, the heartland of the Maoist insurgency, and a member of the historically marginalised Magar community. In this interview, she speaks about the issues facing Nepal today, and the difficult road to reconciliation after the war.

Has the situation improved since the end of the civil war?

It is comparatively better. But I hoped the country would ensure the rights of people, economic growth, justice, peace. There are still things that need to be met. That was obstructed due to the earthquake and fuel crisis.

Children play among the ruins of their home in a village in Kathmandu. Thousands of earthquake victims are still waiting for government help in reconstruction. (Photo: Patrick Ward)

Children play among the ruins of their home in a village in Kathmandu. Thousands of earthquake victims are still waiting for government help in reconstruction. Photo: Patrick Ward

How so?

They wanted a constitution that ensured the full rights of people, and after the earthquake they rushed for consensus to write the constitution. So it was rushed, and there were some gaps due to that rush. There was a big meeting for reconstruction after the earthquake, but progress slowed down. The international community provided funds, but the government has been slow.

The ruling parties didn’t consider that there would be a crisis in the Terai. It was a mistake. If they had made a small effort it could have been resolved. For example, Madhes would have been given more districts. This could have resolved the crisis. But India is imposing [a blockade]—it’s not justifiable. It’s against human rights and international rules, treaties and relationships.

Could the response to the earthquake have been better?

The government has not been able to tackle the issue as required. The political situation is so difficult. I am worried about the situation now. I suggest the government take it more seriously, the earthquake and the blockade.

After the deep divisions in Nepal during the civil war, how has the country united itself?

After the earthquake and the blockade, we realised we should be together, but perhaps there are still some gaps. For example, not all parties were involved in the constitutional process. There is still chance to bring all the parties together. But the leaderships often think traditionally, with narrow thinking.

“International development partners are not targeting funds to actual need. Almost three-quarters of the funds have gone to the NGO circle ruled by the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist)”

How was the rehabilitation of those affected during the conflict?

Nepal has got lots of money for rehabilitation. But that has disappeared at the top. People in real need haven’t benefited from that. In Nepal, there is a culture of mismanaging funds, for conflict-affected people, earthquake victims. They are mishandled by the authorities, which is not good.

International development partners are not targeting funds to actual need. Almost three-quarters of the funds have gone to the NGO circle ruled by the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), who handle 75 per cent of the budget; 25 per cent belongs to the Nepal Congress and others. Maoist cadres have received less than one per cent.

During the civil war we had a different perspective of the NGOs. Now we realise we should cooperate with them. We were against the NGOs in the wartime. So the NGO international development partners are not fully trusting. We need to build that trust.

Is there a problem of accountability with the NGOs?

Only 10 to 15 per cent of NGOs are fully accountable. I observed that as a minister. I tried to get at least 75 per cent accountable, if not 100 per cent. I tried to put them on track, but our government collapsed. One change I could achieve is that before, every international NGO had to register in Kathmandu, and I was able to establish regional offices instead. But my successor, a male minister, collapsed that.

Why?

Due to his thinking, he was not committed to change. People weren’t able to all come to Kathmandu. But he unfortunately collapsed my policy. We had fundamental differences.

After such a high level of support following the civil war, why did the Maoist government collapse?

It was difficult to meet the needs promised in the war. There were also factions within our party. I am confident the issues raised by my party are still true. Issues like a republican state, federalism, proportional representation, secularism. The NC, UML were against these issues in the beginning, but they were all eventually reflected in the constitution.

What the failure was, we could not convince the public of the issues raised by the Maoists. We could not convince people that credit should go to our party. And fractures in the party meant we could not win the election. And the other parties were tricky; the Maoists were straightforward.

Though the party is now weaker, our policies have all been incorporated by other parties. The NC was against the idea of a republic. The UML would not accept proportional representation and federalism, now they have.

When I was in parliament, we once went to the UK to learn about decentralisation of power. I was fortunate to observe the UK parliament. But in Nepal we discuss basic needs, like food and shelter. When I was there, the discussion in parliament was about controlling mice!

People cram aboard buses during the fuel crisis. The lack of petrol is blamed on an Indian blockade of goods into Nepal, following a new constitution. <em>Photo: Patrick Ward</em>

People cram aboard buses during the fuel crisis. The lack of petrol is blamed on an Indian blockade of essential goods into Nepal, following its new constitution. Photo: Patrick Ward

Why did you first become involved in the People’s War?

I was just a student at that time. I had heard about the Communist Party and Communist Manifesto, and that the Communist Party helped people in the region and was against gender and ethnic discrimination. In my locality, there was a lot of violence against women. Women couldn’t go to school or be educated. There was also extreme poverty. I was inspired to become involved in the movement by that poverty. It was difficult even to buy goods.

My family was not very poor at first, but my father was a gambler. He lost his property and we became poor. My mother was interested in education, and so my sister and a friend were the first female students to go to school. I went to school sometime after that.

When I was a Year 4 student in school, I went to school wearing pyjama trousers. The teacher beat me for wearing them. Later, when I was elected to the Constituent Assembly and became a minister, that same teacher approached me. I was responsible to hear teachers’ problems. It took more than ten years for the teacher to appreciate me. I appreciate the teacher in turn for pushing me.

“Women now think they should get justice, and not face discrimination. Women have felt more changes than men.”

How much has changed in the Nepali society since you were in school?

Women now think they should get justice, and not face discrimination. Most women think this way now. Patriarchy is still in male minds, but they have started to think it’s not justifiable to discriminate. Women have felt more changes than men.

Could you ever imagine, when you were a child, that one day you would become a government minister?

Never. I just wished to reduce injustice, but never imagined I would be a minister.

This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.

How India’s Unofficial Blockade Is Affecting Post-Earthquake Nepal

The day I arrived in Kathmandu, the Nepal government had just announced a quota system limiting the number of vehicles on the roads in response to the fuel crisis. Very few private vehicles were plying. Buses were completely packed. Taxis were charging three or four times the usual rate.

I had read about the protests taking place near the Indian border over Nepal’s new constitution even as I left England. I knew about the blockade of supply trucks at the border, and, in an abstract manner, about the fuel shortage that was beginning to grip the country. But I had little idea how much the situation was affecting everyday life across a country struggling to get on its feet after a devastating earthquake—and how angry, and upset, Nepalis were with their ‘Big Brother’ across the border.

“We are trying to put our house in order and a big neighbour has come to disturb it,” Dr Uddhab Pyakurel, a political sociologist at the Kathmandu University, was to tell me soon. “A small section of Nepali society has always been critical of India’s influence. But now, more people are feeling this way.”

India’s role in the fuel crisis has been extensively reported, and it would be difficult to find a Nepali who believes New Delhi’s claim that it was concern for the truck drivers’ safety that was behind the pile-up of supply vehicles at the border on the Indian side. Every person I spoke to in Kathmandu seemed to believe, perhaps with some justification, that India had effected an unofficial economic blockade to pressurise Nepal into editing certain provisions in its brand new constitution—specifically, those relating to the demands of the Madhesi people in the border region, with whom India shares strong cultural ties.

It is not surprising, then, that many in Kathmandu are fuming. The ordinary Nepali, says Anup Ojha, a journalist at the Kathmandu Post, feels betrayed. “We are feeling humiliated,” he said. “It shows that India can interfere in each and every part of our politics.”

It is not just the politics that people are upset about. The blockade has translated into everyday hardships for everyone here, to the point that some in Kathmandu feel it eclipses even the situation they faced after the earthquake. “This crisis is more troublesome than the earthquake,” said Munni Pandey, a mother I met in Pattan, on the outskirts of the capital city. With few taxis plying, Munni was frustrated at her inability to take her children to their schools on time; at home, she was about to run out of cooking gas.

Photo of Ramila

Ramila (right) has run out of cooking gas and is no position to cook for her family of 12. Photo: Namita Rao

Kalyan Tamang, a bus driver who had been waiting in a fuel queue all morning, was more measured in his response. People were moving on from the adversities caused by the earthquake, he said, and trying to rebuild their lives. But the fuel shortage has hit them hard. Sangam Lama, a bus conductor, put it simply:

“If the buses don’t work, I don’t get my salary.”

 

A WEEK AFTER I reached Kathmandu, there were news reports that India had instructed its officials at the border to lift the undeclared blockade. The people I spoke to that day were cautiously optimistic that an end was in sight. “We are slightly relieved,” said Surya Dhungana, “but we cannot fully rely on that because we have been facing a similar situation for the past 30 years.”

Behind the negativity colouring that sentiment is the fact that the reprieve at the border is yet to alleviate the crisis in any tangible manner. Although trucks carrying fuel and other essential goods have begun to trickle in (or so I read in the newspapers), for the ordinary Nepali, nothing has really changed yet. The quota system is still in place for public transport and government-owned vehicles, which are allowed on the roads only on alternate days. Private vehicles received a slight relief when the ban on fuel sales was lifted for just one day. But in truth, the situation appears worse than it was, with the government now slashing the fuel quota for public vehicles.

Many in Kathmandu are also concerned about the upcoming Dashain, the biggest festival of the year, which lasts 15 days. There is a sizeable population in the city from other parts of the country, and traditionally, most people return home for the festival. But with the fuel rationing in place, transportation will be difficult to find.

For more than a week, schools have been running classes only on alternate days. Without fuel for generators, which are needed to tide over the prolonged power cuts caused by Nepal’s electricity shortage problem, businesses are seriously suffering. According to the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry, the cumulative effects of the two months of strikes, blockades and protests over the new constitution has cost the economy $1 billion.

Commuters sit on the roof of a bus in Kathmandu during during the fuel crisis.

Commuters travelling on bus roofs are a common sight in Kathmandu. Photo: Naomi Mihara

THE CRISIS HAS also severely disrupted earthquake relief work. Much of the cement, steel, glass and zinc sheets needed for reconstruction is imported from India. “These cannot be accessed by villagers unless there is a smooth transportation facility,” said Dr Pyakurel. “More than that, earthquake-affected villages need a large number of skilled and semi-skilled workers, many of whom come from the bordering cities of India. Given the situation, Indian workers may not feel safe to come to the hilly districts to carry out reconstruction.”

The biggest hindrance to relief work is, not surprisingly, the lack of mobility. “We are in a race against time,” said Iolanda Jaquemet of the World Food Programme, which has had to halt many of its operations because its delivery trucks are out of diesel. “Earthquake affected populations at high altitudes will be cut off from the world by snow in about 3-4 weeks.”

“It’s the same story for all NGOs,” said Ram Hari, who works for Mission East, a Danish NGO. His organisation faces the prospect of losing donor money because they would now not be able to finish distributing relief materials to meet a mid-October deadline. This also means that vulnerable families in Sindupalchok—the district worst-affected by the earthquake, where many are still living in tents—will not get the aid they have been promised.

Importantly, the issue that has spurred the blockade and fuel crisis still remains unresolved. Talks between the government and parties representing the Madhesis—the main group protesting their under-representation in the new constitution—are taking place, and the government has agreed to some amendments. But there is still much ground to be covered.

“In the Madhesh, there is palpable anger against Kathmandu,” said Daulat Jha, a Madhesi political analyst. “Right now, the polarisation is at its peak and will take time to decrease.”

 

IN THE CAPITAL, though, there is much solidarity on display. People have grouped together on social media to voice their anger at India through hashtags such as #IndiaBlockadesNepal, #BackOffIndia and #DonateOilToIndianEmbassy. Residents have also resorted to sharing rides to get around. Carpool Kathmandu, a Facebook page to coordinate travel in and around the city, has now amassed more than 94,000 members.

“From one point of view, the situation has helped unite Nepalese people,” said Sagun Khanal, an accountant. “They are ready to help each other.”

 

Public buses queuing for petrol at Gayatri Devi petrol pump, Patan, last Thursday.

Public buses queuing up at a petrol station in Patan last Thursday. Photo: Naomi Mihara

There is also a feeling that Nepal needs to rely less on India. As of now, more than 60 per cent of Nepal’s imports are from India and this over-reliance, many in Kathmandu say, makes their country vulnerable to manipulations. They point to 1989, when India imposed an official blockade that lasted 13 months, thought to be an attempt to punish Nepal for buying weapons from China. “Our situation is probably worse now than it was in the past, because we consume so many goods that are imported from India,” a Kathmandu resident said.

There have been calls for Nepal to reach out to other neighbours, especially China. The road to the northern Tatopani border point, buried by landslides after the earthquake, was hurriedly cleared and reopened last week. Last week, the government-owned Nepal Oil Corporation issued a tender for the import of petroleum products from any country through any medium, hoping to break more than 40 years of Indian monopoly as the sole supplier.

Besides the anti-India sentiments, many Nepalis appeared increasingly frustrated with their own politicians’ lack of action, foresight and ability to negotiate diplomatically. Following the promulgation of the constitution on September 20, Nepal’s parliament is attempting to form a new government. There is a sense that this has been prioritised over reaching a solution to the crisis.

“They have behaved very immaturely and disrespectfully,” said Dr Sudhamshu Dahal, an assistant professor at the Kathmandu University. “They should start putting people at the centre of their negotiations.”

Others are angry at Madhesi politicians and protest leaders for inciting unrest, rather than negotiating. “I understand that people in the Tarai are unhappy with the constitution,” a student said. “But this is affecting everyone’s lives.” There are also many who plead the cause for unity. In Ratna Park, a group protesting India’s actions held signs referring to the three regions of Nepal: “Himal [mountain], Pahad [hill], Tarai [plains]: no one is an outsider”.

Although anti-India sentiment in Nepal is high at this point, the India-Nepal relationship is not irreparably damaged. “Many people feel doubts about whether the kind of relationship that the two countries have had until now should continue,” said Dr Pyakurel. “Still, there is room to be engaged. But India needs to undo this blockage as soon as possible and allow Nepal to deal with its domestic problems on its own.”

Thankfully, the animosity felt towards the Indian nation does not seem to extend towards the Indian people. “We share a familiar culture, landscape, lifestyle… there are so many things that can bring Nepali and Indian people together,” said blogger Siromani Dhungana. “We have shared a special bond in the past, and I believe that will continue in the future.”

Additional reportage: Namita Rao, Ritu Panchal and Unnat Sapkota.